Colombia’s Petro’s Push for a Constituent Assembly: What He Seeks and Why It’s Sparking Debate

Colombian President Gustavo Petro has renewed a controversial proposal to convene a National Constituent Assembly, a plan that has reignited debate across the country’s political spectrum and could reshape Colombia’s political future.

At its core, the idea aims to bypass entrenched resistance in Congress and implement deep structural reforms — but critics warn it risks institutional instability and democratic backsliding.

Colombia’s Petro’s push for a Constituent Assembly: What he seeks and why it’s sparking debate

Petro argues that Colombia’s current 1991 Constitution, while progressive, has left crucial social demands unresolved and institutional bottlenecks intact. According to recent statements from the president, a Constituent Assembly would empower Colombians to pursue bold reforms, especially in areas such as land redistribution, climate policy, workers’ rights, and local control over natural resources — issues he says the existing constitutional framework has failed to address comprehensively.

“We must put ourselves in constituent mode,” Petro declared at a public event in Ibagué, framing the initiative as a democratic expression of popular sovereignty rather than an executive power grab. “It’s the people who decide, not the president, not the magistrates. … The people are sovereign.”

In speeches and social media posts, Petro has emphasized that the Constituent Assembly would not necessarily produce a brand-new constitution, but rather reform specific aspects of the existing one to better reflect contemporary social and economic realities. He has reiterated that the process would extend beyond his tenure, stressing that he would not still be president when such an assembly took place.

Political and legal realities

Despite Petro’s rhetoric, constitutional experts and political opponents say the road to a Constituent Assembly is fraught with legal hurdles. Under Article 376 of the 1991 Constitution, any process to convene a Constituent Assembly must be sanctioned by Congress through a special law and meet strict procedural requirements. This includes approval of enabling laws, presidential sanction, and judicial review — not a simple executive decision, Cartagena’s El Universal reports.

Recent developments suggest the government is attempting to navigate these legal pathways: on Dec. 26, 2025, Petro’s administration officially registered a committee to promote the Constituent Assembly, which must now collect signatures from at least 5% of the national electoral roll to move forward. The initiative is intended to gain traction ahead of the March 2026 elections, when a newly elected Congress could influence its fate.

However, key political figures have pushed back. Senate President Efrain Cepeda explicitly warned that any effort to convene an assembly must adhere strictly to constitutional procedures and cannot circumvent Congress. “The Constitution is clear: The call for a Constituent Assembly must pass through the Congress of the Republic,” Cepeda said, dismissing shortcuts proposed by Petro, according to information published at Senado de Colombia’s website.

Why the push now?

Petro’s renewed emphasis on constitutional reform comes amid political gridlock and repeated setbacks in Congress. Several of his signature reform efforts — including health and labor reforms — have stalled or been rejected by lawmakers, fueling frustration in the executive branch. Observers suggest that the assembly proposal is partly a response to institutional resistance and an attempt to rally grassroots support for Petro’s agenda through direct citizen engagement.

Yet this strategy has raised alarms among academics and international analysts. Some warn that invoking a Constituent Assembly as a vehicle for political change could undermine institutional checks and balances and set precedents for executive overreach. A recent analysis by website the Atlantic Council cautioned that such moves “could spark a constitutional crisis,” especially in a polarized environment.

Support and criticism

Supporters of Petro’s initiative — including sectors of Colombia’s left and rural movements — argue that incremental reform within the current system has failed to address deep inequalities. They see a Constituent Assembly as a democratic tool to broaden citizen participation and reset political priorities.

Critics, however, see risks in what they describe as a politically motivated reinterpretation of constitutional mechanisms. Many legal experts say Petro’s framing overstates presidential authority and underestimates the independence of Colombia’s legislative and judicial branches. Opposition parties have rallied against what they call a power grab that could weaken democratic norms.

Election year is key

As Colombia heads into a crucial election year, the Constituent Assembly debate is likely to intensify. Whether Petro’s proposal gains enough legal and popular traction remains uncertain, but its prominence in public discourse underscores broader frustrations with governance and reform in Colombia.

Analysts say that, regardless of whether a Constituent Assembly materializes, the discussions it has sparked may leave a lasting imprint on Colombian politics — shaping debates about the nature of democracy, citizen participation, and the limits of executive power in the 21st century.

A summary of what Petro wants to change through his Constituent Assembly

According to outlets Semana and El Colombiano, these would be the main aspects that President Gustavo Petro wants to change

1. Creation of a new autonomous Constitutional Tribunal

The proposal envisions strengthening constitutional oversight by creating a Tribunal Constitucional Autónomo with expanded powers to address structural legislative omissions and possibly subsume some functions of the current judiciary.

2. Redefinition of the balance of power between Congress and the executive

The draft suggests curbing the current “institutional blockage” by adjusting powers that could limit Congress’ role and reinforce decisive governance authority in certain matters.

3. Superpowers or expanded executive authority during transition

There’s a proposal for temporary extraordinary powers (six months) for the president to issue decrees with the force of law to detail the Constituent Assembly’s electoral framework — effectively giving the executive a strong role in organizing the process.

Constitutional and judicial reforms

4. Reworking the Constitution to address perceived legislative paralysis

A central aim is to update or reform the 1991 Constitution to reflect social, economic, and institutional changes, arguing that current mechanisms cannot deliver the deep reforms Petro wants.

5. Expand and strengthen transitional justice and reconciliation frameworks

The proposal includes constitutional recognition of restorative justice mechanisms and expansion of the Justice for Peace (JEP) to encourage violent players to demobilize and reintegrate under socio-legal benefits.

Economic and financial policy changes

6. Revising the role and autonomy of the Banco de la República (central bank)

The draft aims to reduce the central bank’s independence and transform it as part of a broader economic model change, aligned with more interventionist economic policy.

7. Transforming the economic model toward more state control

Proposals include establishing zones where the state has dominant participation in production, promoting popular, cooperativist, and associative economic models, and shifting the national development agenda toward employment generation and social equity.
Semana

Social and rights-based reforms

8. New rights: social, economic, and climate

The proposal identifies the need to strengthen rights in areas such as housing, health, education, culture, and climate justice, arguing that current constitutional guarantees are insufficiently enforced.

9. Reinforcing autonomy for ethnic and territorial groups

It calls for greater territorial autonomy for Indigenous, Afro-descendant, and other ethnic communities, helping secure constitutional status for rights and governance structures tailored to these groups.

Peace and security framework

10. Provisions to facilitate demobilization and sociopolitical integration of armed groups

The proposal suggests constitutional mechanisms to encourage violent actors to lay down arms, with incentives and negotiated political participation as part of national reconciliation.

Other key elements mentioned

11. Reform of justice system beyond the constitutional tribunal

The broader justice system (judicial reform) is flagged, aiming to tackle structural deficiencies and omissions affecting citizen rights.

12. Focus on overcoming “institutional blockage”

The underlying theme across these proposals is responding to what the document calls blockages and omissions in Congress and traditional branches of power that have stalled major reform agendas.