Colombian President Gustavo Petro turned the May 1 commemoration—as expected—into a political platform to defend one of his most controversial bets in the final stretch of his term: the call for a National Constituent Assembly.
He did so from Medellin, in a decision loaded with symbolism given that it is one of the historic strongholds of Uribismo, while in other cities across the country massive marches confirmed that International Workers’ Day still carries weight as a social and political barometer.
The day left images of packed squares in several capitals, with Bogota as the epicenter of institutional mobilization. There, the spotlight fell on Senator and ruling-party candidate Ivan Cepeda, who led the main event at Bolivar Square.
However, political attention shifted to Medellin, where Petro chose to take his speech to adverse territory, in an attempt to broaden support for his proposal at a decisive moment, just months before leaving power.
Colombia’s May 1: Petro lays groundwork for Constituent Assembly
In his speech, Petro defended the signature-gathering process his government is promoting as a way to bring to Congress the debate on convening a National Constituent Assembly. The president insisted that his initiative does not seek to replace the 1991 Constitution, but rather to introduce targeted modifications that, he said, would help consolidate the social changes that have marked his administration.
The president stressed that the proposal includes the addition of two new articles aimed at shielding structural reforms and strengthening the fight against corruption. “These are the two chapters the Constitution is missing. They are improvements. That is the goal for this year. Before it ends. Not for the next century,” he warned.
In his address, he reiterated that his objective is not to open a broad constituent process that generates institutional uncertainty, but to ensure that social transformations are not subject to the political swings of Congress.
“I was elected with only one objective: to make real the Social Rule of Law proclaimed, as order and mandate, by the National Constituent Assembly,” the president said before the crowd that cheered him in Medellin, on the first occasion in which he materializes a risky push for a Constituent Assembly, a project he has championed for two years.
In this case, he did so with a call to the next government. “They will have the obligation to promulgate the call for the Constituent Assembly, and then we will meet again in the streets and in the squares,” he said amid chants from his supporters in Antioquia.
Petro’s central argument is based on the legislative gridlock his main bills faced during his administration. Key reforms in labor, health, and pensions were substantially modified or rejected by conservative majorities, which in his view demonstrates the need for a mechanism to ensure their long-term viability.
El Presidente @PetroGustavo aseguró que todas las reformas sociales que garantizan los derechos fundamentales, como ordena la Constitución, hay que hacerlas aprobar porque es la orden del pueblo, “y las encuestas hoy demuestran que siguen siendo la orden y el mandato popular del… pic.twitter.com/4y4cnswyGT
— Presidencia Colombia 🇨🇴 (@infopresidencia) May 1, 2026
A bet in historically adverse territory
The choice of Medellin as the setting for the speech was not accidental. The city, considered for years a stronghold of Uribismo, represents a politically complex terrain for Petrismo. There, Petro sought to send a message of national scope, trying to break beyond the boundaries of his traditional base of support and contest the political narrative in one of the enclaves most resistant to his project.
During his speech, the president appealed to the need to build broad consensus and defended the idea that a Constituent Assembly can be a meeting point among different sectors of the country. However, his address also maintained a confrontational tone toward the political and economic elites that, he said, have slowed the changes demanded by broad sectors of society.
The event in Medellin brought together thousands of supporters, in line with the massive turnout recorded in other cities. The May 1 mobilizations, beyond their reivindicatory character, became a show of strength by the ruling party at a time when the country is already immersed in the electoral dynamic.
There, he demanded that Congress fulfill “the mandate of the people” through this proposal provided for in the Constitution and initiated through the collection of signatures from citizens. “It’s either that or spending another four years under the political extortion of a majority in Congress that has failed to change the habits of its political leaders. Only this can change the people of Colombia,” he warned.
In this sense, the Colombian president announced that starting today, so-called “committees for the Constituent Assembly” will be consolidated across the country, tasked with promoting the collection of the five million signatures needed for the call, even though the law establishes that 2.5 million valid signatures are required.
The political pulse in Bogota
Shortly before Gustavo Petro’s speech in Medellin, Bolivar Square in Bogota hosted the main event of the day. There, Ivan Cepeda took center stage as a key figure of the ruling party ahead of the new political cycle. His speech was marked by the defense of the government’s legacy and the need to continue the social reforms that have defined the current administration’s agenda.
The coincidence of venues reflected a dual strategy by the ruling party: on the one hand, consolidating its base in the capital and, on the other, expanding its influence in traditionally adverse regions. In both cases, the Constituent Assembly emerged as one of the central axes of political debate at the end of the term.
Although the president cannot participate in politics—and much less call for votes for one or another candidacy—he said several times that he hoped for a “progressive mandate to be repeated in Colombia.”
“We are almost done with this government. Hopefully more progressive governments will come. I hope they don’t take us back to horror. That they don’t take us back to La Escombrera,” he said, referring to the iconic mass grave where paramilitaries, between 2002 and 2003, disappeared the bodies of civilians.
And all this was delivered to cheers in Medellin, one of the most right-leaning regions in the country and the cradle of Uribismo.
Finally, Gustavo Petro pledged to personally lead the push for the Constituent Assembly once he leaves the presidency next August 7. The president said he will continue promoting this initiative from political life, even after the installation of the new Congress on July 20, formed following the legislative elections in March.
This statement introduces a new element into Colombia’s political landscape, anticipating that the Constituent Assembly proposal will remain a central issue beyond the change of government. Petro made it clear that he sees this project as part of his political legacy and as a key tool to consolidate the transformations that, in his view, remained unfinished.
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